May 24, 2023

German Veterans of the Second World War: Still “Outside”? (II)

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/homecoming/

German Veterans of the Second World War: Still “Outside”?(II)


Narratives around the German veterans as an obstacle to homecoming

As outlined in the previous part of this blog by conference co-organiser Yara Staets there were a lot of difficulties regarding the process of coming home of German veterans. While the last veterans returned in 1954, they are until today, in a cultural sense, struggling to finally arrive home. This becomes evident in some of the narratives that have emerged and are still emerging around them. On the one hand, they reveal something about the actual fate of the veterans. But, on the other hand, these narratives portray them mainly as victims, not as perpetrators. Thus, the complexity of the stories of the veterans remains mostly invisible. A good example of this is the play The Man Outside[1] (Draußen vor der Tür), created by the former soldier Wolfgang Borchert in 1947. The play, which was a huge success in post-war Germany, adapted or even helped to create the most important of the collectively accepted narratives about German veterans.

In 1947 Borchert referred with his play The Man Outside to the narrative of the German veteran as an “Heimkehrer ohne Heimkehr”,[2] someone who cannot return home, even though he has arrived there. Beckmann, the protagonist of the play, has just returned from the war. He finds that he no longer has a home, as his wife is with another man; he also learns that his son is dead. He has no job, or even food. He is hungry, desperate, and angry: no one cares about him and his needs, and therefore he feels betrayed not only by the military leadership, but also by society. He feels as if his place in his own home country is “outside the door”. With his play Borchert was expressing difficulties of the homecoming veterans at a time when they had no official voice speaking for them.

While Borchert's play underlines the difficulties veterans faced in post-war Germany, it also helps build a narrative that tends to obscure their fate. Borchert describes Beckmann first and foremost as a victim and not as a perpetrator: Beckmann feels guilty for the death of the comrades he was responsible for and blames the military leadership that put him in charge. Also, he blames the society which does not care about his sufferings. The narrative of the veteran as a victim was created by former soldiers immediately after the end of the war. While this narrative seems above all a consequence of the ignorance of the society towards the specific situation of the veterans, it creates at the same time a conflict regarding them and the victims of the Wehrmacht and the NS-regime. Borchert too does not let Beckmann express any feelings of guilt towards victims of the German military. Beckmann does not even mention them. With this, parallels between Borchert's play and the myth of the “clean Wehrmacht”, another narrative created by the former German military personnel after war, can be drawn. This myth was based on the idea that the soldiers, unlike the leaders of the Nazi-regime or the SS, were not responsible for war crimes or the Holocaust, as claimed in the denazification processes. It took a long time, but since the 1980s there has been broader research in the involvement of the Wehrmacht in these incidents and today this myth has been completely refuted.[3]

On the other hand, Borchert's play supports a counter-narrative to the post-war perception that war does not have an impact on the mental health of a veteran. Protagonist Beckmann, however, shows signs of an internal struggle because of his experiences in the war and the post-war period. He is suicidal and he is constantly thinking about taking his own life as he cannot deal with his situation. This is important, as there existed no narrative after 1945 for psychological consequences of the war. The shellshock syndrome of First World War soldiers was attributed to the fact that affected soldiers were genetically inferior. In the Second World War, soldiers with mental health issues were sent to concentration camps or were murdered in other ways.[4] After 1945 it was believed that only work-shy and weak-willed people would show symptoms over a longer period of time. This also had economic reasons: psychological symptoms were not easy to prove and therefore the fear existed that veterans would claim to have them to avoid working. For these reasons, it took a long time even to acknowledge the possibility of mental health problems due to the war. In 1980, the PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) diagnosis was included in the DSM-5 manual. And only after the 1990s was it applied to veterans of the 1939-1945 war.

However, today it is widespread to assume that nearly every German veteran was traumatised by war. It is not impossible that the veterans suffered because of their experiences. But it is important to emphasise that the trauma narrative portrays them again more as victims and not so much as perpetrators. It is also ahistorical to ascribe to a whole group a trauma retrospectively, a diagnosis which was created only three decades later.[5] Even the protagonist of Borchert's play is repeatedly diagnosed with PTSD.[6] In spite of the fact that it is difficult to attest in a fictive character a psychiatric diagnosis the author could have no knowledge of, Beckmann shows no concrete signs of traumatisation. He does not seem to feel overwhelmed by his memories of the war or unable to cope with them, a symptom usually associated with trauma. On the contrary, while he is obviously desperate, his dominant feelings are betrayal, anger and self-pity.

The misleading character of the trauma diagnosis also becomes obvious with the narrative tha veterans could not talk about their war experiences because they were traumatised.[7] However, as Svenja Goltermann pointed out, their silence may also be rooted in shame and the inability to incorporate the memory of their deeds as soldiers with their identity as civilians. She sees it as a result of the fact that it was difficult to create a narrative which connected their different experiences and roles in war and peace. Also, she states, German post-war society was not able to incorporate the war experiences of its former soldiers: their contribution to war crimes and the Holocaust, but also their sufferings at the front or after their homecoming. Because of this, there were not many who wanted to listen to their stories about their war experiences.[8] Borchert's play provides again an example for this: when Beckmann tries to talk about his experiences, no one wants to listen to him.

Recently the number of publications which try to tell the complex stories of German veterans is growing. These stories include the horrible deeds as well as the sufferings of the veterans.[9] Nevertheless, today there are more publications about the phenomenon of transgenerational trauma in relation to German veterans than about the soldiers themselves. These publications mainly describe the experiences of the children and grandchildren of German veterans. While it is important to acknowledge their struggles, it is notable that the fate of the veterans in these publications, if told at all, is again reincorporated into a potential victim narrative.[10]

Overall, the presented narratives mostly portray the veterans as victims. They are on the one side created by themselves, to highlight their difficulties or balance those out in which they are identified as perpetrators. But also, they are constructed by the society which cannot deal with the ambivalent role of their former soldiers.

However, as long as the whole stories of the German veterans are only seldom told, they are, in a way, not able to return home. If still not many want to listen to their difficult and ambivalent stories, the veterans of the Second World War remain, even they have returned home long time ago, “outside”.

This indicates that in Germany the process of coming to terms with its veterans and thus with the Second World War is still not completed.



[1] Wolfgang Borchert, 'The Man Outside' (1947), in: The Man Outside, Translated from the German by David Porter. Forword by Kay Boyle. Introduction by Stephen Spender. New York: New Direction Publishing, 1971, pp. 83-139.

[2] This expression was the title of an article 1948: Kurt Döring, 'Heimkehrer ohne Heimkehr', Die Zeit, 22. Juli 1948, < https://www.zeit.de/1948/30/heimkehrer-ohne-heimkehr > [Accessed 5 May 2023].

[3] See e.g. Catherine Epstein, Nazi Germany Confronting the Myths. London, UK: John Wiley & Sons 2015.

[4] See also for the following Philipp Rauh; Livia Prüll, 'Krank durch den Krieg? Der Umgang mit psychisch kranken Veteranen in Deutschland in der Zeit der Weltkriege', Portal für Militärgeschichte, 2015 < https://www.portal-militaergeschichte.de/sites/default/files/pdf/rauh_pruell_krank.pdf > [Accessed 5 May 2023].

[5] Svenja Goltermann, Die Gesellschaft der Überlebenden. Deutsche Kriegsheimkehrer und ihre Gewalterfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg, München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 2009, pp. 422-425.

[6] E.g. William Mahan, 'Triangulating Trauma: Constellations of Memory, Representation, and Distortion in Elie Wiesel, Wolfgang Borchert, and W.G. Sebald'. In: Humanities (2017), 6, 94.

[7] In general to silence and trauma: Anna Kaufmann, Zur Narratologie des Schweigens: erzählte Erinnerungslücken und Identitätsbrüche in der deutschsprachigen Gegenwartsliteratur, Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2023.

[8] Goltermann, p. 428f.

[9] [9]E.g. Bernd Hohlen, 'Als den Vätern die Seele erfror', Der Spiegel, 28 March 2008, < https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/trauma-zweiter-weltkrieg-a-948634.html > [Access 1 May 2023].

[10] E.g. Sabine Bode, Die vergessene Generation – Die Kriegskinder brechen ihr Schweigen. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2004 and Kriegsenkel. Die Erben der vergessenen Generation. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2009.


German Veterans of the Second World War: Still “Outside”? (I)

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/homecoming/

In the first part of this this blog, conference co-organiser Yara Staets illustrates the difficulties in the process of coming home for German Second World War veterans. In the second part, she explores some of the narratives that have emerged and continue to emerge in relation to veterans and how they indicate that the process of their home coming was and still is a cultural challenge.

Difficulties in the process of coming home for German veterans after the Second World War

The process of German veterans returning home after the end of the Second World War was difficult in various ways. Germany had not only started the First, but also the Second World War, had lost both, was responsible for the Holocaust, and many different war crimes. The "unconditional surrender of the Wehrmacht" meant the end of this military form of organisation and the previous government in Germany, the National Socialist-regime. The government was temporarily taken over by the Allies until in 1949 two new German states were founded.

This situation had a massive impact on war veterans: the eleven million German prisoners of war (POW) did not have to be returned immediately after the end of war. They could be kept in captivity by the Allies and used as labour force as part of reparations payments. Also because of poor conditions in camps, one million died. In addition, some POWs stayed in camps for years, longest in the Soviet Union. From there the last veterans returned only in 1956.[1]

Nonetheless, after arrival in Germany, the veterans were confronted with further difficulties. Many found their houses destroyed by the air raids, their families dead or alienated, and their former jobs no longer available. In addition, every veteran had to undergo a denazification process. This constituted an investigation into how he was involved in the crimes of the Nazi-regime and the SS.

With a negative outcome, veterans could be prosecuted or lose their right to get a qualified job and other forms of help. Even after this the veterans had to compete for jobs, food, financial support, and accommodation with the rest of the population of the war-depleted country. In addition, applications for any of these resources had to be supported by legal documents. Especially veterans who had been absent fighting or in POW camps experienced difficulties in providing the documents, and so these processes often took years. Because of this, a lot of the veterans felt left alone in their process of coming home after the Second World War.

The German post-war society, to some extent, recognised the problems of its veterans.[2] But the main goal of the population after the war was to forget the past and rebuild the country. Late returning veterans especially evoked unwanted memories. Also, while some veterans expected to be celebrated or get special support, they were blamed for the lost war and the difficulties in post-war Germany. This only began to change when veterans were given a lobby, the Verband der Heimkehrer, in 1950.

Overall, only a minority of the veterans could return to their pre-war life. Instead for many the reintegration into the post-war society was not possible: homeless, jobless, hungry, and alone, some turned to criminal activities, an unknown number committed suicide, and a study on 60,000 veterans conducted in Hamburg revealed that their life expectancy was only 45 years in 1954.[3]



[1] See also for the following still Arthur L. Smith, 'Heimkehr aus dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. d. Entlassung d. dt. Kriegsgefangenen', [Aus d. Amerikan. übertr. von Rainer Michael Gottlob], Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt: Stuttgart, 1985, pp. 129-131.

[2] This can be seen, for example, in the several "Trümmerfilmen" (rubble movies), which were made between 1945 and 1949. These films are mainly about the difficulties of returning soldiers in post-war Germany. See Svenja Goltermann, Die Gesellschaft der Überlebenden. Deutsche Kriegsheimkehrer und ihre Gewalterfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg, München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 2009, pp. 345-357.

[3] Smith, p. 186.



May 17, 2023

Why post–war homecoming (also) belongs with the humanities

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/homecoming/

The post-war as conceptual framework has, at least since 1989, belonged firmly in the social sciences. An inter-disciplinary academic cottage industry emerged as waves of democratisation and ethnic conflict engrossed globalised audiences of scholars and practitioners. Sociologists, political scientists, economists, and a smattering of anthropologists, well-funded by the United Nations and myriad global institutes, invented the field of ‘transition’ or ‘peace studies’. At its heart is the triad ‘disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration’ (DDR) which is to take place in each post-conflict situation, from Rwanda, to Cambodia, to the former Yugoslavia. This portion of ‘transition studies’ focusses on ex-combatants and their communities in particular, centring on their ‘homecoming’ after a period of violent conflict. These studies primarily seek to plan for, and analyse existing, programmes that are supposed to neuter ex-combatants and thereby stop them from being a threat to a post-war peace settlement. Hereby, unfortunately, ‘homecoming’ is viewed as a technical problem which requires satisfactory resolution.

Alongside reducing complex situations to a series of structural laws (accompanied by a bevy of diagrams), there is the unfortunate effect in DDR studies of treating ex-combatants as a-historical, a-politicised actors. As Jaremey McMullin points out, this is also a particular result of a racial bias. While Euro-American veterans are portrayed as positive social actors who represent a reminder of a nation’s duty in the ‘homes fit for heroes' mould,ex-combatants in the Global South are a security threat who need to be ‘civilianised’ and pose a threat due to their acquired habitus of violence.[1] DDR’s focus on the latter means a unfortunate lack of dialogue between the West’s own experience of Homecoming and experiences elsewhere. Homecoming has been happening in the Global South for as long as it has elsewhere, with every community having its own rituals of return and closure. Even if we do consider the dangers of post-homecoming remilitarisation, as one would say in the Eastern Congo today, would not Germany’s Freikorps or the US South’s Ku Klux Klan provide just as fruitful a comparison? On the other side of the ledger, trans-historical comparisons could fruitfully be made between rituals of closure: from indigenous Americans ‘burying the hatchet’ to contemporary homecoming videos of US Army personnel service personnel serving overseas.

For historians the ‘post-war’ represents that era which followed the tumult of 1939-1945, so masterfully captured in the (albeit Eurocentric) work of Tony Judt.[2] However, loaded in this term is the crucial assumption that we in Europe live in a world indelibly marked by the after-effects of war. Europeans continue to live in the world of May 1945, albeit modified by November 1989. This conceptual importance granted to the ‘post-war’, I believe forces historians and other scholars in the humanities to re-occupy the space yielded to the social scientists of the DDR school. In particular, this applies to the precise moment of ‘homecoming’, the essential crucible in which the post-war is forged. Nathalie Duclos for one has criticised the conceptual gap between historical work on returning veterans in post-World War Europe and North America, and post-1989 DDR work.[3]

This appeal is for far more than merely history. Literary, art, film and theatre studies, classics, and philosophy all have their place. Kate McLoughlin (keynote speaker at the Homecoming conference), starting with Homer and Xenophon, and going on to discuss the British post-Napoleonic canon, has masterfully indicated the significance of the figure of the veteran for understandings of European modernity.[4] The root of the question is what homecoming does and says about human subjectivity, which is crucially what the humanities must contribute to the academy as a whole. The anthropologist Kimberly Theidon, working on the aftermath of Peruvian Maoist insurgency, reminds us that while many social scientists employ a global hegemonic discourse of trauma or PTSD, we need to understand ‘locally salient theories of illness, health, agency, and social repair’.[5] War, in general, is a moment of extreme discombobulation. New identities are adopted, minds and communities are shattered by loss and experiences of extreme violence. Masculinities, femininities, and the boundaries of communities are all reshaped and require sustained academic attention. Efforts to try and rebuild a sense of ‘normality’ from this psychological and physical wreckage are not easily captured by terms like ‘civilianisation’, reconstruction, or demilitarisation, which are favourites of DDR scholars. It is up to scholars in the humanities to critique and dissect such concepts which remain tied to normative frameworks associated with the post-1989 transitions.

1 Jaremey R. McMullin, Ex-Combatants and the Post-Conflict State: Challenges of Reintegration (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). 2 Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (London: Penguin, 2005). 3 Nathalie Duclos, War Veterans in Postwar Situations: Chechnya, Serbia, Turkey, Peru, and Côte D’ivoire (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). 4 Kate McLoughlin, Veteran Poetics: British Literature in the Age of Mass Warfare, 1790-2015 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018). 5 Kimberly Theidon, Intimate Enemies: Violence and Reconciliation in Peru (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013).


A Conversation between the Conference Organisers: On the Day

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/territorialbodies/

In this blog post, Charlotte, Lizzie Smith (a PhD student and conference participant)and Maddie reflect on running the conference Territorial Bodies: World Culture in Crisis, which took place in February 2023.

Charlotte: Territorial Bodies 2023: where to start?

Maddie: We arrived at Warwick University’s Humanities building, alongside our team of helpers, Mohammad, Owain, Tara and Giulia. From the outset, delegates engaged in dynamic conversation. There was a genuine atmosphere of warmth.

Charlotte: Lauren’s keynote was such a great way to start the day. She really opened up the questions that then informed discussions throughout the conference.

Lizzie: it was so great to hear from academics so established in their fields!

Maddie: The panels were interdisciplinary in nature, so we were quite intrigued to see how the sessions would unfold. The first two panels – “Embodied Extractivism” and “Aquatic bodies” - featured such fascinating papers.

Lizzie: As an attendee, there was a buzz surrounding which panel to choose, because they all contained elements to spark the imagination. I’m sure I wasn’t the only one who wanted to be in two places at once.

Charlotte: Yes, I had the same experience. In the second session, I attended the “Gender Bodies, Space” panel and I was blown away by the level and quality of research presented, as well as the importance of that research in impacting the everyday lives of so many people.

Maddie: The conversations continued over lunch, and it was great to see people sharing ideas in a collaborative way.

Lizzie: Yes, that’s a real benefit of the in-person conference and something we’ve all missed. Charlotte and Maddie

Charlotte: I agree. As the day went on and we ironed out some of the initial teething issues, it was great to be able to relax into those conversations. By the third session after lunch, I was fully immersed in the exciting discussions being presented.

Maddie: I particularly enjoyed listening to discussions taking place between people at different stages in their career, especially during the third series of panels, “Bodies and Accumulation” and “Embodied Displacement”.

Charlotte: You’re absolutely right, plus in the final session, the panel I attended had speakers from such varying disciplines, but the chair did such a great job of bringing that conversation into an interesting and creative discussion.

Maddie: For me, a real standout moment was during the Q&A following Kathryn’s keynote address at the end of the day.

Charlotte: Yes! One delegate asked about the importance of breaking down traditional academic silos and recommendations for students in the early stages of their career looking to do the same. Kathryn spoke about who benefits from maintaining traditional academic silos, and who might benefit from breaking away from them.

Poster


May 16, 2023

A Conversation between the Conference Organisers: The Build–Up

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/territorialbodies/

In this blog post, Charlotte and Maddie reflect on their experience organising the conference Territorial Bodies: World Culture in Crisis, which took place in February 2023.

Charlotte:Do you remember when we came up with the idea for the HRC conference?

Maddie: Yes, I remember - we struggled to pin down the specific theme for a little while. There was a lot of back and forth, until we encountered an article about gender violence in extractive zones

Charlotte:yes, that provided us with a really interesting way of synthesizing our research interests. I think that’s when the idea really came together, and we could start writing the proposal. We then started the to-and-fro of writing and editing the application

Maddie: True, it was really useful to have the support of the HRC administrator Sue Rae during this process, who offered tips on producing a successful application, discussing things like the conference budget, the importance of plugging the interdisciplinarity of the proposed conference etc…

Charlotte: It was so exciting when our application got accepted and we could kickstart the process. We had an initial meeting with Sue where she laid out the timeline for us, and shortly after that we released the Call for Papers and started emailing keynotes

Maddie: I think we hada very clear vision in terms of keynotes from the outset, so we were really thrilled when they agreed to join us. Plus, announcing the keynotes generated some sense of momentum in terms of interest in the conference. I know you’re very proactive, Charlotte, so how did you find the process of waiting for submissions to come in?

Charlotte:Yes, I really wanted to get going – but it was great seeing the abstracts come in and discovering how people interpreted the conference theme.

Maddie: We were surprised by the thematic scope of responses to the CfP

Charlotte:Once we received these responses, we had to make difficult decisions, but I really appreciated your groundedness during this process

Maddie: yes - sadly we had to be very selective because of the limitations of it being a one-day conference. The process of developing panels was interesting because we tried to prioritise conversations between disciplines. We both research in the field of comparative literature, and it was beneficial to gain an insight into cross-discipline approaches and methodologies.

Charlotte:It was great to have that sense of excitement when we were trying to work through the more complicated part of the process, like ordering food, sorting catering and event logistics.

See part 2, “On the Day”, for a continuation of this conversation…

One of the organisers


February 24, 2023

Introducing Keynote Speaker – Kathryn Yusoff

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/territorialbodies/

“Territorial Bodies” Keynotes (1/2): Kathryn Yusoff

When deciding the keynotes for “Territorial Bodies”, we had a number of key considerations in mind. Given the interdisciplinarity at the heart of the conference, we were keen to find keynotes who embraced this interdisciplinarity within their own work. Those academics who are redefining fields, thinking across disciplines, and breaking out of traditional silos were at the top of our list. We were also searching for the keynotes to bring a variety of perspectives on the central notion of “Territorial Bodies”, particularly considering the idea from across social, political and environmental frameworks. Introducing Prof. Kathryn Yusoff, Professor of Inhuman Geography at Queen Mary University of London…

About Kathryn

Kathryn is a Professor of Inhuman Geography at Queen Mary University of London. In her own words, “Kathryn’s work is centred on dynamic earth events such as abrupt climate change, biodiversity loss and extinction. She is interested in how these “earth revolutions” impact social thought. Broadly, her work has focused on political aesthetics, social theory and abrupt environmental change”.

Currently, her research is examining questions of “Geological Life” through the temporal frame of the Anthropocene. In particular, she focuses on “how inhuman and nonorganic dimensions of life have consequences for how we understand issues of fossil fuels, human-earth relations and materiality in the politics of life”. Kathryn’s work sits at the intersection of contemporary feminist philosophy, critical human geography and the earth sciences.

Kathryn’s publication record includes her seminal text, A Billion Black Anthropocenes or None (University of Minnesota Press, 2018), “The Anthropocene and Geographies of Geopower” (Handbook on the Geographies of Power, 2018), “Indeterminate Bodies” (Body and Society, 2017) and “Geologic subjects: nonhuman origins, geomorphic aesthetics and the art of becoming inhuman” (Cultural Geographies, 2014).

Prior to her current position, Kathryn held the role of Senior Lecturer in Human Geography at Queen Mary University of London and Lectureships at Lancaster University and University of Exeter.

Kathryn’s Keynote: Geologic Bodies, Planetary States

Thinking bodies as earth systems and one of the social stratums of earth processes (as racial capitalism), I will address differentiation and aggregation in the social body as a political and environmental state. Understanding bodies as implicated in geochemistry and seeing the geologic as a medium of social struggle, I will shift the focus from a scalar perspectivism to a temporal one. I will argue that Geologic Life substantiates a key analytic for geography that positions inhuman forces in political terms as preceding biopolitical concepts of life and understanding changes of state as a political domain.


February 22, 2023

Introducing Keynote Speaker – Dr Lauren Wilcox

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/territorialbodies/

“Territorial Bodies” Keynotes (1/2): Lauren Wilcox

When deciding the keynotes for “Territorial Bodies”, we had a number of key considerations in mind. Given the interdisciplinarity at the heart of the conference, we were keen to find keynotes who embraced this interdisciplinarity within their own work. Those academics who are redefining fields, thinking across disciplines, and breaking out of traditional silos were at the top of our list. We were also searching for the keynotes to bring a variety of perspectives on the central notion of “Territorial Bodies”, particularly considering the idea from across social, political and environmental frameworks. Introducing Dr Lauren Wilcox, Associate Professor of Gender Studies at the University of Cambridge...

Dr Lauren Wilcox

About Lauren

Lauren is an Associate Professor of Gender Studies at the University of Cambridge, and the Centre Director of the University of Cambridge Centre for Gender Studies. Lauren’s research works through the disciplines of international relations, political theory and feminist theory, with a specific focus on what happens when we think through bodies and embodiment as a central framework for exploring violence and security at an international level.

Lauren is currently working on a monograph tentatively entitled War Beyond the Human, in which she is exploring, in her words, ‘the ways that the political and technological assemblages of bodies that make up the so-called ‘posthuman’ nature of war and political violence pose a theoretical and political challenge to how we theorize the relationship between violence, desire, embodiment, race, sex, and gender’.

Lauren has published on a range of relevant topics, including the destabilization of the idea of the body through suicide bombing (Wilcox 2013), the theorization of bodies in International Relations (Wilcox 2014), notions of ‘embodied’ and ‘embodying’ drone warfare (Wilcox 2016), and security and the gendered body (Wilcox 2017).

Lauren’s Keynote: On the Map, the Territory, and the Body

In this address, I begin the work of unpacking the entanglements of ‘the map,’ ‘the territory’ and ‘the body’ in modern international and political thought in order to provide an understanding of their co-constitution. I engage with Black and Indigenous feminist thought to critically analyse the foundations of these concepts and their implications for theorizing a global politics of ‘the body’. To start, I analyse Sylvia Wynter’s “On How We Mistook the Map for the Territory.” Wynter engages the map/territory metaphor to argue “systemic devalorization of racial blackness was in itself, only a function of another and more deeply rooted phenomenon” (1997, 115). Representing “the human” as a natural organism, for Wynter, “mistakes the representation for the reality, the map for the territory,” (Wynter 1997, 49) and overrepresents the bio/economic man associated with Europeans as the sole expression of humanity.

I engage the concept of the body as res extensa as in Hobbes and the mechanistic and calculative functions of the map were a condition of possibility for the political concept of territory to emerge (Elden 2013) through the work of Denise Ferreira da Silva. In her work, the Enlightenment project which produces the human body as the exteriorization of the mind and establishes the distinction between the ‘transparent I’ of Europe post-Enlightenment and the ‘affectable other’ institutes race as the signifiers of those spatialized subjects who subject to the universal reason of self-determining, Enlightened subjects even as they are not capable of grasping this reason. In Ferreira da Silva’s mappings of the analytics of raciality, “self-determination remains the exclusive attribute of the rational mind, which exists in the kingdom of freedom, where transcendentality is realised, namely where reside the ethical-juridical things of reason, modern subjects whose thoughts, actions and territories refigure universality.” (2009, 224).

I bring this and other work to bear on the concept of self-defence, both of territory and of self/body, and its links to property, to shed light on the racial and patriarchal roots that condition the violent production of territories and bodies, and of bordering practices that delimit, in Ahmed's (2007) terms, "where certain bodies are extended while others are stopped."


January 31, 2023

Territorial Bodies in Context

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/territorialbodies/

In the following blog post, organisers Maddie Sinclair and Charlotte Spear reflect on the inspiration behind their upcoming conference Territorial Bodies: World Culture in Crisis.

Taking place on 25th February 2023, Territorial Bodieswill critically evaluate the interconnections between bodies, territories and violence in contemporary world culture. The conference takes inspiration from the Latin American feminist transnational concept of body-territory, which has been used as a ‘strategic’ tool to engender new forms of global solidarity, linking multi-form violence at various scales (Gago, 2020: 95). As Veronica Gago discusses, the transversal concept of body-territory draws on the collective knowledge of indigenous women on the front lines of resistance against neo-extractivism (fracking, mining, agri-business). In such feminist imaginaries, the renewed conceptualisation of the ‘body-as-battlefield’ underlines the ‘organic connection’ between accumulation, heteropatriarchal and colonial violence (Gago, 2020: 84). The concept has infused the ‘practical cartography of the strike’ in the twenty-first century, offering a ‘diagnosis’ of intersecting forms of violence unleashed by financialised ‘popular indebtedness’ and neo-extractivism targeting ‘common resources’ in indigenous territories (Gago, 2020: 11). Gago describes the strategic ‘idea force’ of the body-territory as it intersects with the extractive operations of capital:

Feminist International‘The notion ties together a perspective that explains how the exploitation of territories is structured in a neo-extractive mode today, and how that also reconfigures labor exploitation, mapping the ways the dispossession of the commons affects everyday life. That is why it is strategic in a very precise sense: it expands our way of seeing, based on bodies experienced as territories and territories experienced as bodies. That image of the body-territory reveals the battles that are occurring here and now, pointing to a field of forces that it makes visible and legible on the basis of conflicts. The body-territory is a practical concept that demonstrates how the exploitation of common, community (be it urban, suburban, peasant, or Indigenous) territories involves the violation of the body of each person, as well as the collective body, through dispossession’ (Gago, 2020: 86).




Territorial Bodies situates this renewed conceptualisation of ‘body-territory’ within a wider nexus of materialist thinking on the human body as a site of crisis. As Jason Moore writes in Capitalism in the Web of Life:


'Capitalism in the Web of LifeThe transition from capitalism and nature to capitalism-in-nature asks us to place human bodies as sites of environmental history, as bodies engaged in producing "real" commodities and reproducing the "false" commodity, labor power. From here, we- can reconceptualize capitalism: as a system whose chief contradictions turn on the antagonism and interdependence of commodity-relations and the totality of the conditions of reproduction. The human body, in this frame, becomes a crucial site of the contradictions of world accumulation’ (Moore, 2015: 26).




With this in mind, Territorial Bodies considers how the ‘territorial body’ offers a critical framework for addressing what Moore describes as the ‘singular process’ of socio-ecological crisis today (2011: 136). The conference invites critical debate surrounding the strategic “idea force” of the territorial body: bodies experienced as territories, and territories experienced as bodies (Gago, 2020: 86). In particular, the conference will explore how the territorial body “expands our way of seeing”, offering a critical framework for addressing urgent social, ecological and political challenges, from ecological breakdown to the rise of statelessness, violence against women and racial exploitation. Bringing together delegates from across the world, the conference synthesises diverse and interdisciplinary research interests, from aquatic bodies to mining bodies, to embodied extractivisms and narratives of sexualised resistance. We hope to consider how cultural registrations work to locate the body as a distinct part of socio-ecological crisis, bringing new perspectives to bear on the notion of “territorial bodies” as a framework for deciphering ‘crisis’ in the twenty-first century. You can register for the conference here.


January 18, 2023

Veteran Poetics: An Interview with our Keynote Speaker Professor Kate McLoughlin

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/homecoming/

In this third blog post for the HRC Conference on Homecoming after war, the co-organiser, Niels Boenderinterviews the keynote speaker, Professor Kate McLoughlin, Fellow at Harris Manchester College Oxford.

Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed, andgiving the keynote at our conference. Let me start by asking about your recent book Veteran Poetics. You draw on a huge and diverse range of texts from modern British literature. Why do you think the figure of the veteran is so salient during this period and in this place?

Literary texts in this period, which begins with the French Revolution, are grappling with the implications of modern, mass, industrialisedwarfare. Those implications called into question many ideas associated with the Enlightenment: that we remain the same person over time, that hospitality is a good thing, that problems can be solved scientifically, that we can learn from experience. Modern war undermined all that and the product of modern war - the veteran - is the obvious and ideal figure through which to explore the situation. Or, more succinctly, veterans tell us what it's like to be modern. 

To what extent do you draw on inter-disciplinary approaches for your work? How for instance do literary studies and history co-exist in your work?

In Veteran Poetics, the main other discipline I draw on is philosophy. I'm a specialist in modern literature but I'm also a trans-historicist. That doesn't mean cutting across history but being historically aware in a local way and alsobeing very aware of literaryhistory.

Do you think there is a specific significance to the moment of homecoming?

The moment of homecoming is what inspired Veteran Poetics: specifically, the moment of homecoming in Wolfgang Borchert's Drauβen vor der Tür(Outside the Door). Reading this German play, which is an instant of post-Second World War Trümmerliteratur(rubble-literature), I was struck by the textual chaos wrought by the veteran who returns home to find he has lost everything. The familiar-turned-stranger, the effect of lost time, the sense of alienation: all these struck me as extraordinarily rich in emotional and conceptual terms.

Especially in light ofyour present work, how do we accommodate the figure of the silentveteran? Im thinking particularly of historians for whom silence is often uncomfortably unassimilable.

I'm still trying to answer that question! The final chapter of Veteran Poetics reads the silent literary veteran as embodying crises in post-Enlightenment communication. I start to suggest in the Conclusion that, rather than trying to get the silent veteran to speak, we might honourtheir silence. This ties in with theories about silence from critics such as Edouard Glissant, Judith Butler, Rita Felskiand Dorothy Hale in the so-called 'post-critique' turn. But I'm still not sure what 'honouringsilence' looks like as actual literary criticism. All I can say is that 'uncomfortable' doesn't necessarily equal 'bad'. 

Your most ambitious claim in Veteran Poetics is the way in which the figure of the veteran upsetsstandard narratives of the Enlightenment. Could you just briefly explain this thesis to our readers?

I say a little about this above. It seems to me that there are certain figures - the war veteran is one example, the refugee is another - who stand counter to the flow of narratives about Enlightenment progress. That's not to say that reason hasn't brought immeasurable benefits. But not without cost, and these figures are the human embodiment of the cost.

Your discussion of the Enlightenment made me think especially of how veteransfigure in non-Western contexts. In countrieswhich had liberation struggles for instance, they are of immense importance to national identity. While accepting this is not your area of expertise, do you have any thoughts on what role the figure of the veteran might play outside Britain?

How we understand veterans is very much culturally specific, becauseit's also about how we understand bravery, gender, sexuality, gratitude, service, sacrifice and a host of other things, including God. Not something I'm qualified to comment on further, but I'dbe fascinated to know more about how these elements contribute to the shaping of the veteran figure in non-western contexts.

Thanks very much for those answers, and we look forward to hearing more about your work in May!


January 09, 2023

Disaster and the Territorial Body

Writing about web page https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/hrc/confs/territorialbodies/

In this blog, HRC Doctoral Fellow Charlotte Spear, reflects on how the conference - 'Territorial Bodies: World Culture in Crisis' links to one of the most recent chapters of her own thesis.

In the aftermath of the devastating 1984 Bhopal Gas Tragedy, Raghu Rai takes one of the most famous images to come out of the disaster, “An Aborted Foetus When The Tragedy Struck, 1984” (Rai). Unborn babies are contorted and forced into the space of makeshift test tubes, cruelly taken from the safety of their mothers’ wombs after the release of ‘46.3 tons of methyl isocyanate from the factory run by the Union Carbide corporation, an American transnational with a pesticide-manufacturing facility in Bhopal, India’ (Kovel 28), killing between 5,000-10,000 people instantly and leaving over 500,000 injured (Kovel 28). These children, simultaneously prematurely born and yet fated never to be born, by what we now know to have been an avoidable disaster, are pictured on a wall overlooking a city. They are both within and without, overlooking and overlooked by the cityscape behind.

Rai, like streams of other photographers, writers and activists following the disaster, intimately connects non-human place and the human body in his work. Bhopal becomes the horrific archetype of Naomi Klein’s sacrifice zone; those zones which are abandoned to the toxicity of a contemporary energy regime which is ‘so inherently dirty and toxic that [it requires] sacrificial people and places: people whose lungs and bodies can be sacrificed’(Klein). Whilst we often think of disasters as somehow accidental, sudden, ‘a rupture or inversion of the normal order of things’ (Anderson 1), the Bhopal Tragedy was none of these. Union Carbide ‘had designed the plant in a way that made accidents more or less inevitable’, ‘switched to the use of [methyl isocyanate] in order to produce more cheaply’ and built the plant in an area close to the population of Bhopal in order to save money (Kovel 32).

Not only does the disaster harm the people who breathe in this toxicity, a toxicity which ‘is driven inward, somatized into cellular dramas of mutation that – particularly in the bodies of the poor – remain largely unobserved, undiagnosed, and untreated’ (Nixon 6), but it lingers in the other-than-human nature which absorbs the poisons and houses them even now. Multiple reports over the last few decades have found the soil and water in the area to hold significantly higher than safe levels of a variety of chemicals including mercury, organochlorine compounds (Labunska et al. 3), lead, pesticides, Volatile Organic Compounds and Halo-Organics (Surviving Bhopal 2002: Toxic Present - Toxic Future).

Andy Spyra

Andy Spyra/Getty Images

“January 24 2007: Local men are standing on the edge of a contaminated water pond which was used for cooling the factory but got completely poisoned after the gas-leak. In the water swims the remains of a dead dog.”

The status of the people and land of Bhopal as somehow sacrificial extends into and directly impacts upon the fight for justice after the disaster. After the case was originally brought to court in the US, Judge Keenan mandated the Bhopal case to the Indian courts on May 12th 1968 under the auspices that ‘the Indian legal system is in a far better position than the American courts to determine the cause of the tragic event and thereby fix liability’(Baxi 68). As Mukherjee argues, ‘this legal defence is in effect a philosophical position that assumes an unbridgeable gap between two apparently discontinuous worlds. What is human in one, is not so in the other’ (Mukherjee 142).

And so, the question becomes, where are universal human rights in all of this? A large American company cuts corners to save costs, and in doing so essentially sacrifices not only the land on which the Union Carbide factory stood, but also the population surrounding it, many of whom lost their lives. As the people of Bhopal attempt to seek justice for this dire abuse of their human rights, their fight for justice is forcibly spatialised; not allowed to exist in the ‘world’ or ‘universal’ human rights, but rather enforced as a distinctly Bhopali issue. In this sense, then, the experience of so-called ‘universal human rights’ appears in fact to be entirely dependent on locationality: the human body as the site of the abuse of human rights becomes not a singular unit but rather entirely relational with the land and geopolitical organisation of that land. The body, in its experience of – and abuse of – human rights, becomes inherently the geopolitically territorial body.

Keywords:

Disaster, territorial, body, rights, Bhopal

Works Cited

Anderson, Mark D. Disaster Writing: The Cultural Politics of Catastrophe in Latin America. University of Virginia Press, 2011.

Baxi, Upendra, editor. ‘Judge Keenan’s Decision’. Inconvenient Forum and Convenient Catastrophe, N.M. Tripathi PVT. LTD., 1986, pp. 35–69.

Klein, Naomi. ‘Let Them Drown: The Violence of Othering in a Warming World’. London Review of Books, vol. 38, no. 11, June 2016, https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v38/n11/naomi-klein/let-them-drown.

Kovel, Joel. ‘Capital’. The Enemy of Nature: The End of Capitalism or the End of the World?, by Joel Kovel, Zed Books, 2007, pp. 26–50.

Labunska, I., et al. The Bhopal Legacy: Toxic Contaminants at the Former Union Carbide Factory Site, Bhopal, India: 15 Years after the Bhopal Accident. microform, Greenpeace Research Laboratories, Dept. of Biological Sciences, University of Exeter, 1999.

Mukherjee, Upamanyu Pablo. ‘Dead Air: Indra Sinha’. Postcolonial Environments: Nature, Culture and the Contemporary Indian Novel in English, by Upamanyu Pablo Mukherjee, Palgrave Macmillan/Arts & Humanities Research Council, 2010, pp. 134–62.

Nixon, Rob. ‘Introduction’. Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor, Harvard University Press, 2011, pp. 1–44.

Rai, Raghu. An Aborted Foetus When The Tragedy Struck, 1984. Online, 1984, https://raghuraifoundation.org/bhopal/.

Surviving Bhopal 2002: Toxic Present - Toxic Future. Shrishti, 2002.


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