April 26, 2010

Writing Kalenjin dictionary tough

Writing Kalenjin dictionary tough

Published on 25/04/2010

By Kipkirui K’Telwa

How does one write a dictionary for the Kalenjin when the members of the community speak different dialects?

This is the question that linguist Kibny’aanko Seroney tackles in the newly released dictionary, Samburtaab Ng’aleekaab Kaleenchin.

This work attempts to unite the over ten Kalenjin-speaking ethnic groups to create a single talking point.

Kibny’aanko defends his work saying: “Kalenjin language users still understand each other, meaning there is an underlying principle of sameness of language.”

Writing a vernacular dictionary is one way of preserving indigenous languages. Photo: Jenipher Wachie/Standard
In his work, which has taken him 15 years to research, Kibny’aanko attempts to address, in a broad way, the elusive question of Kalenjin orthography (writing system).

“The missionaries and colonial administrators, as we know, didn’t analyse the Kalenjin language in a broad sense but took isolated cases based on the territorial confinement to develop the language,” he says.

They subverted the development of Kalenjin language to their convenience, he says.

“They put down Kalenjin words in a manner that suited them and not as it was used by the indigenous speakers themselves,” he notes.

To reverse this negative trend, Kibny’aanko has put together a huge volume that is also available online.

This makes Kalenjin one of the first indigenous African languages in East Africa to go online.

There is also an electronic version, which is available at: http://www.africanlanguages.com/kalenjin/dictionary; http://www.africanbookscollective.com/books/samburtaab-ngaleekaab-kaleenchin

The author refers to the online version as a European version while the Mvule Africa published copy is labelled Nairobi edition.

He describes online publishing and editing as a friendly venture because it allows users to add new words or comments, thus it auto-updates itself.

Desire to correct mistakes

Kibny’aanko attributes the success of his work to information technology and adds that this has enabled many people to publish their works both online and offline.

The Warwick University-based scholar says he compiled the dictionary because of his desire to correct mistakes made by missionaries.

“Only the late Dr Taita Towett made meaningful attempts to record Kalenjin words,” says Kibny’aanko.

Kalenjin vowels function differently from Kiswahili and English ones.

“It is important to preserve indigenous languages which are fast-disappearing. If books are being written then the disappearance of languages will be stopped,” counsels the scholar who also authored From Strength To Strength, a biography of Ambassador Peter Rono.

His dictionary needs support from other Kalenjin scholars for improvement and expansion.

Unfortunately, the absence of a committee for Kalenjin language standardisation poses a challenge to Kalenjin linguists and speakers.

For example, technical and emerging words require a committee to construct and standardise them based on meaningful concepts. It is difficult to acquire the equivalent of words such as ‘computer.’

Human appetite for knowledge

Recording language helps to convey concepts that reflect human appetite for knowledge. If a language is not used, then it becomes redundant or impotent. That a useful language is used to convey human products such as literature, drama and theatre is not in dispute.

Tragically, absence of mother tongue textbooks has made it difficult for most African languages to grow. Teachers are not generating teaching material to fit the ever-changing knowledge.

Therefore this dictionary will generate both knowledge and controversies in equal measure among Kalenjin scholars and readers.

For example, a Kipsigis-Kalenjin will accuse Kibny’aanko of either inverting or reversing most Kalenjin words. For example, whereas Toweettian and colonial writers would easily identify the word ‘Kalenjin’, Kibny’aanko has presented it as ‘Kaleenchin.

But while appreciating the new challenge, Kibny’aanko avers that the late Dr Toweett was aware of the acute problems of orthography.

“Studying the variants of Kalenjin linguistic groups in isolation helps create imagined linguistic differences rather than the real difference.”

Even the Kipsigis/Kibiskis scholars and speakers will be left confused.


April 01, 2010

Search For Lost Artifacts That unearth Kenya's History

Search For Lost Artefacts That Unearth Kenya’s History
Date: Wed 26th September 2007
Media house: Business Daily

Written by Wangui Maina

Four years ago, a Canadian national legally obtained a rare Samburu neck piece from Kenya.

The antique was made wholly of giraffe hair and upon reaching his home country customs officials seized it as it went against the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (Cites) convention on animal trade.

It turned out to be a unique artefact from the Samburu. Since then the National Museums of Kenya (NMK) has been trying to get it back, but the Canadian government argues that giving it back would go against the Cites rules.

The neck piece is one of many other artefacts that belonged to Kenya and are held in various countries, some legally while others were illegally obtained. In the past few years, there have been efforts to get back some of these artefacts as they play a major role in telling the country’s history.

Dr Mzalendo Kibunja, NMK director of museums, sites and monuments, told Business Daily that NMK was constantly on the look out for artefacts and once identified they enter into negotiations with the relevant parties in a bid to repatriate them.

“It is like a peace process and the negotiations can be tedious though worthwhile in the long run,” he said. It all begins with first identifying the artefact, experts are sent to evaluate it before valuers come into the picture to peg a price on the item, from there on it is a matter of negotiations.

NMK is in negotiations with the grandson of Sonia Cole-the founder of Afghanistan World Foundation traced to December 1979- for an ivory carving that was owned by Chief Kinyanjui, one of the Agikuyu leaders during colonial times.

“He expressed interest to sell it and we are now negotiating for the right price,” Dr Kibunja said. NMK is also in talks with a Japanese collector who holds vital artefacts of the Ameru culture.

Years ago, one of the tribe’s elders sold Njuri Nceke accessories for Sh2 million. The Njuri Nceke was the Ameru’s legal system, which was charged with passing judgement and punishment. Each of the elders wore distinctive ornaments like a knotty stick (morai) cut from Blackwood or ebony as well as a ring of pearls on the head.

“We are currently in active negotiations with the collector to try and get back this important part of the Ameru culture,” Dr Kibunja said. The institution has been successful in getting back some antiques. It was able to get the Mijikenda grave markers, Vigango, from the Illinois State Museum.

Last year, the museum also got back a baton, traditional stool and walking stick that were used by the renowned Nandi leader, Koitalel arap Somoei from UK. They were returned to Eldoret after a local scholar, Kipnyango Seroney, traced them to a family in the UK.

The items had been taken by a British soldier after the leader was killed. There are still demands for the repatriation of Koitalel’s skull, sandals and his lion-skin headgear, which are said to be in Britain. The site where the leader was killed was gazetted and the government is expected to spend Sh58 million to construct a mausoleum for the leader.

Kenya has been termed as the ‘cradle of mankind’ due to the discovery of fossils in various parts of the country, which have helped in the study of early man. However, as studies have been carried out, the country has lost some of its archaeological material, both legally and illegally.

One example is material from the Gambo Cave in the Rift Valley where fossils were taken away and NMK is looking at repatriating them from Harvard University where they are currently held. Other Institutions like Berkley University and Smithsonian also hold various archaeological materials from the country.

In the recent past some of these pieces, like Dedan Kimathi’s coat, have been exhibited in the country, but on loan from the museums that claim them.

Dr Kibunja says NMK is in talks with various museums which hold Kenyan artefacts to see them safely returned back, especially those that were stolen. However, it is not an easy trip trying to get back some of the artefacts, or just even tracing them. Currently, NMK is in search of a bell that used to be at the entrance of Lamu town. The ancient bell can be seen in photos taken in 1800.

The country is also faced with the difficulty to successfully lodge a case internationally on a stolen artefact as the government has never ratified the 1970 United National Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property.

The convention, which entered into force on April 24th, 1972, helps countries lodge international cases especially in repatriating ‘cultural property’, which include property on religious or secular grounds that is specifically designated by a State as being of importance for archaeology, pre-history, history, literature, art or science.

Dr Kibunja hopes it is ratified before the end of the year as it would help the country file cases, especially for artefacts that were illegally obtained. The convention also helps protect the sale of such artefacts. Trade in artefacts is a lucrative multi-billion dollar industry, which is mainly driven by interest in antiques.

The value of the trade is increasingly attracting the attention of organised criminals, who use the same routes to smuggle in drugs, guns and people.

However, according to international reports the trade is being fuelled by museums and other illegal dealers. In 2005, a curator of antiquities at US museum, Marion True, was accused of knowingly receiving stolen goods and using false documents to help launder artefacts acquired from a private collection. During the same year, the invasion of Iraq raised concern as museums were looted.

The failure to establish a national database of stolen or even legally obtained artefacts by States has helped the illegal sale of some of these artefacts. In a bid to try and get the missing part of the country’s history, NMK wrote a proposal to the government to hire heritage officers who would look around for important artefacts, identify them in a bid to open negotiations to retrieve them back.

However, the proposal never saw the light of day as it was handed over to the previous government; with the new government in power in 2002 the proposal was put on hold. Hope on the project is not lost as NMK believes this would help the country in the long run.

In the past few weeks, the famous man-eaters of Tsavo have created a stir with reports stating that the Kenyan government was demanding for their return. Recent reports indicated that NMK was trying to recover the remains of the two male lions from a museum in Chicago, where they are exhibited.

According to the reports, which have been published in the international Press, NMK was looking at using international protocol to repatriate the hides and skulls of the two lions.

Dr Kibunja said NMK has no intentions of claiming them back as they were legally owned by the Chicago Museum. “The lions’ remains were legally obtained by the museum and belong to them,” he added.

The man-eaters of Tsavo have proved to be a major attraction in Chicago and an Oscar winning movie, The Ghost and the Darkness, was made to tell the story. The lions rose to fame in 1898 when the British started building a railway bridge over the Tsavo River in 1898.

For nine months, two male lions terrorised and killed the railway workers. It is said over 140 railway workers were eaten by the lions during this period and construction work was halted out of fear. Eventually Lieutenant Colonel John Patterson killed the lions, which had been called ghosts for months, making it safe to resume construction of the Kenya-Uganda railway.

Lieutenant Patterson later sold the skulls and hides of the lions’ to the The Field Museum in Chicago. Though the hides and skulls are part of Kenya’s heritage and an integral part of the history of the railway, Patterson claimed them as any hunter would a prize and was at free will to sell them as he did.

“We would wish to have them back but we are not demanding for them. Actually we are considering to loan them from Field Museum in 2010,” Dr Kibunja said.

The NMK will then be celebrating 100 years and are currently looking at holding a major exhibition, which could included these lions among other Kenyan artefacts.

Currently, it is working with the Chicago museum to arrange for an international exhibition in 2009 in the United States in a bid to raise funds for an endowment fund, which will be used to sustain long term projects . “We are looking at taking some of the fossils here to that exhibition,” stated Dr Kibunja.

Museums globally work in partnership with others, loan each other material in a bid to boost exhibitions especially on a particular theme. The country has not been known for its major exhibitions, but this is set to change as the NMK is currently looking at holding major exhibitions with its partners. Last year, the Hazina exhibition was held in the country. Loaned Kenyan artefacts from British Museum were exhibited.

“This was the first partnership with this museum and though there were some doubts in the beginning all went well and it was a great success,” Dr Kibunja said. This success led to the exhibition being extended by months and are now looking at hosting a Hazina IIexhibition, which would even be taken to London and help NMK raise money for an endowment fund. Ethiopia is another country that has continuously demanded for some of its historical artefacts that were taken, mainly by the Italians.

This includes the famous Aksum Obelisk, which was returned last year from Italy after 68 years in exile. Also to get back an important part of its history was South Africa when the remains of Baartman, a Khoisan woman, were returned in 2002 after 187 years since she left her home town Cape Town. She had been on display in a museum in Paris till 1974.


March 23, 2010

MIDLAND: Lost Sacred Sticks found in Midlands

MIDLAND: Lost sacred sticks found in Midlands
0 Comments | Birmingham Post (England), The, April 10, 2006

Byline: By Rhona Ganguly

Warwick University student Kipnyango Seroney’ Army officer and adventurer Richard Meinertzhagen in the early 1920s

Three sacred African tribal sticks that were allegedly stolen by a British army captain more than a century ago have been tracked down to the officer’s son’s home in Shropshire.

The three staffs once belonged to the chief of the Kenyan Nandi tribe, or the Kalenjin as the tribe is now known.

During a tribal revolt that blocked the building of a Kenyan railway line in 1905, the then Captain Richard Mein-ertzhagen invited the rebels to a ‘peace conference’ on a hill near the capital Nairobi.

When the Nandi’s chief Koitalel went to shake hands, the captain drew a pistol and shot him dead.

The rest of his men, belonging to the King’s African Rifles, then fired machine guns and massacred the chief’s bodyguard along with the tribe’s women and children.

The tribesmen have always claimed the massacre was in cold blood although some historians claim the shootings were a result of a major African revolt, which could have led to the deaths of the British soldiers.

The captain is then claimed to have helped himself to the three sacred wooden staffs, which had been brought to the conference by the African chief.

But last week, Warwick University student Kipnyango Seroney traced them to the home of the captain’s son Randle, with the help of Kenyan Egyptologist Dr Kip-koeech Sambu.

Mr Meinertzhagen, a retired investment banker living in Shrewsbury, said he had had the sticks since his father died in 1967.

“I had no idea how significant they were but when Mr Seroney saw them he was quite astonished,” said Mr Meinertzhagen.

“He asked if they could be returned to Kenya. I said ‘Of course – Africa is where they belong’.”

He said he believed his father’s version of events, where Koitalel’s handshake was a signal for his warriors to attack and the British were only able to escape alive by taking action first.

“Who knows what the truth is after all these years?” he said. “But my father’s motto was always ‘shoot first, ask questions later’.

Dr Sambu explained the importance of the sticks, which will be flown back to Nairobi next week and will be returned to the elders of the tribe.

They will then go on display at the Kenyan National Museum in the capital as a memorial to Koitalel, who has since been revered as Kenya’s first freedom fighter.

“In Kenya, these sticks are of great significance as they are meant to imbue a ruler with divine kingly qualities. Without the sticks, the man loses his status as a demi-god.”

Dr Sambu said the straight staff symbolised the right of kingship, the club-headed one represents military power and the forked one signifies religious leadership.

Koitalel’s death is one of many colourful incidents in the life of the captain, who was later promoted to colonel and was made a CBE.

According to his autobiography, Diary of a Black Sheep, Meinertzhagen was born into a wealthy London banking family of German origin.

During the First World War, he served in India, Africa and Palestine and fought with Lawrence of Arabia.

In The Severn Pillars of Wisdom, Lawrence said: “Meinertzhagen knew no half measures.

“A silent laughing masterful man’ who took as blithe a pleasure in deceiving his enemy.”

After the war, he was involved in the creation of the Palestine Mandate, which eventually led to the creation of the state of Israel.

In his later life, he won fame as an ornithologist but, 25 years after his death, the British Ornithology Union accused him of theft, deception and falsehood.

It claimed he stole stuffed birds from other collections including the British Museum, forged labels and lied about specimens. A bird named after him, the Meinertzhagen warbler, which he said had been discovered in Morocco, proved to be a fake.


Who OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUE

WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUE.

The passion with which millions of wananchi valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulf Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru is now the latest epicentre of inter ethnic murders.

The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963.

They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio-economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next.

The Land Issue.

With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestos) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya.

Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft.

ODM proposed to tackle the land problem through clauses in the Bomas draft, captured under devolution and land chapters, with specific plans to form a National Land Commission to address the issue of landlessness and historic injustices of expropriation of native land by colonial and post-colonial powers.

The roots of the land conflicts in Rift Valley land lie with the former colonial power, Britain; post-independence land policies by the Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel Moi and Mwai Kibaki administrations; and the tendency for ethnic favouritism and patronage by power wielders.

Colonial expropriation of native lands in Rift Valley and Coast.

In a nutshell, the British settlers literally grabbed native Maasai and Kalenjin lands in Rift Valley and Miji-Kenda, Taita and Taveta land at the Coast. At the Coast, there was also the added grabbing hand of the Middle-East Sultans who lay claim to another Coastal strip. Millions of voters from these communities (now deeply affected by landlessness and poverty) are today largely drawn towards ODM’s reform policies that seek to address these INJUSTICES.

Long before Independence, vast arable tracts of the Rift Valley were designated as White Highlands, reserved for European settlers. The pastoralist communities, mainly Kalenjin and Maasai, were simply moved away.

The 1904 and 1911 Anglo-Maasai land “Agreements” details the unjust grabbing of Maasai lands in Laikipia, Naivasha, Ngong, Karen, and tracts along the Uganda Railway line whereby uneducated Maasai Laibons either friendly to, or fearful of the British (christened Paramount Chiefs) like Lanana Ole Mbatian, were cajoled and intimidated into giving away native fertile Maasai land to the colonialists.

The words in the “Agreements” read like ……”we the undersigned, being the Laibons of clans of Maasai, have of our own free will, decided that it is for OUR best interests to REMOVE OUR PEOPLE, FLOCKS, AND HERDS into definite reservations away from the Railway line and away from European settlements…..” and “…..In conclusion, we wish to state that we are quite satisfied with the foregoing arrangement, and we bind ourselves and our successors, as well as OUR PEOPLE, to observe them as long as the Maasai as a race shall exist..”

The next thing we knew was that the Maasai were crumbled into arid portions of present day Kajiado and Narok districts. Grazing fields, and the very pastoral lifestyle of the Maasai instantly became threatened and continues to do so as we speak, without any restitution, compensation or pro-active rehabilitation into another life.

100 years later, when asked to address this burning Maasai land issue, former Lands Minister appointed by Mwai Kibaki, Mr. Amos Kimunya, once told the Maasai that there was nothing to address since the wise Maasai forefathers had given away their land to the British in a BINDING AGREEMENT which continues to apply to date.

Well, similar horrid but true stories applied in Kalenjin lands of Rift Valley and at the Coast too.

Before independence, Kenyan political parties argued over whether the native land should be returned to the indigenous population under a federalist system of government or kept firmly under the control of a centralised state. Needless to add, those who favoured the latter option, in the form of the Kenya African National Union (KANU), which went on to form a government under Jomo Kenyatta, prevailed.

1963 Independence, enter Jomo Kenyatta and GEMA Land-buying companies

Trouble is, we had a majimbo constitution at independence. Jennifer Widner explained in her 1992 book, The Rise of A Party-State in Kenya: From “Harambee!” to “Nyayo!” that KANU “urged central control of all regions in an effort to forestall local majimbo legislation restricting land transfer to those born in the area, and to maintain the foothold of the party’s Kikuyu supporters in the Rift Valley land market”.

Many settlers were returning to Britain. Kenyatta and his cronies quickly formed the Settlement Transfer Fund Schemes (STFS) and asked the British for a loan to the Kenyan government, to buy off land from colonial settlers returning to Britain. Good idea up to this point.

Britain, having been reassured by Kenyatta that those settlers still wishing to stay on in Kenya would not have their land repossessed, advanced the money. This money was used to buy settler land which was officially sold into the Kenyatta initiated Settlement Transfer Fund Schemes (STFS).

Next, Kenyatta began to give away and sell for peanuts, these government (STFS)-acquired, former colonial land parcels, to himself, his family and cronies around 1964 and 1965. This is the point when the rain started beating Kenya. Kenyatta’s then Vice President, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, cried foul and rejected these acts of wanton land grabbing.

The opportunity to choose nationalism and selflessness over greed and ethnic tendencies was lost. Rather than address this land issue once and for all, Kenyatta opted to REPLACE the settler colonialists in land they had initially grabbed from natives. We have began harvesting the seeds of the mustard sown by Kenyatta in the 1960s. It will not be sweet at all.

The Seroneys and other Nandi and Kipsigis leaders immediately cried foul when Kenyatta ensued in his land grabbing tendencies. So were many Maasai and Miji-Kenda leaders like Ronald Ngala. Their cries were feeble and over run. Today and tomorrow, their descendants will demand justice and restitution in an exercise that threatens to tear apart Kenya’s social fabric.

Who will shoulder the burden of the fruits enjoyed by Kenyatta and his cronies, Moi and his cronies, and Kibaki and his latter day cronies? Will it be the poor Kenyan taxpayer taking the bill in form of blood, and more taxes?

Going back,.... down memory lane….. in the immediate post-independence era, the moment, the Seroneys and Ogingas started crying foul, and nothing was done, we entered a dangerous phase of our nation’s socio-political path.

The political leadership of Kenya began carving out into two distinct groups. The pro-Kenyatta land beneficiaries, sycophants and apologists where Tom Mboya, Daniel Moi, Paul Ngei and others trooped towards,….and another force resisting the greedy post-Independence governance by Kenyatta which was led by Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and included several former KADU operatives like Ronald Ngala, Jean Marie Seroney, Masinde Muliro, Martin Shikuku and others.

Kenyatta soldiered on with his grabbing. He concurrently went ahead with the help of Tom Mboya to change the constitution to give immense imperial powers to the Presidency. He further began using such powers to allocate more land to his cronies and sycophants. His salivating appetite for Rift Valley land largely motivated his choice of Rift Valley natives as Vice President after Oginga Odinga.

First he chose a Maasai, Joseph Murumbi, who read the scheme of land-betrayal on his people and resigned in a huff, then Kenyatta selected Daniel Arap Moi, a Tugen not drawn in the Nandi and Kipsigis land battles, as his next loyal VP. He then descended upon grabbing Rift Valley and Coastal land in a business as usual and “mtafanya nini” attitude that Kibaki is trying to emulate today.

Kenyatta cronies including Mbiyu Koinange, Njoroge Mungai and others devised a clever scheme to further benefit themselves from the land transferred from the colonialists. They formed land buying companies through loans which were actually funded with tax-payer money. At the height of land buying companies, most of the power brokers acquired huge chunks of land at the expense of the landless who were meant to be the initial beneficiaries of the scheme.

According to Widner (in her book), by 1971, more than 60 % large-scale farms around Nakuru and 40% of small scale settler farms, were held by Kikuyu, who fared very well from this arrangement, at the expense of other Kenyan communities.

Another scholar noted that “Using the political and economic leverage available to them during the Kenyatta regime, the Kikuyu, took advantage of the situation and formed many land-buying companies. These companies would, throughout the 1960s and 1970s, facilitate the settlement of hundreds of thousands of Kikuyu in the Rift Valley,” wrote Walter Oyugi in Politicised Ethnic Conflict in Kenya: A Periodic Phenomenon.

In 1969, Jean Marie Seroney, a leading Nandi politician and MP, issued the Nandi Hills Declaration, laying claim to all settlement land in the district for the Nandi. His demands went unheeded. Aping the British Kenyatta government used a policy of divide-and-rule to neutralise such opposition by parcelling out land to other ethnic groups and thus winning their allegiance. Daniel arap Moi, the then Tugen vice-president was allocated the settler farms of the Lembus Forest and the Essageri Salient to divide the Tugen from the Nandi like Seroney.

Most of the power brokers in the Kenyatta regime who formed land-buying companies established huge farms in the Rift Valley either jointly or on their own. They included Njenga Karume, the then Chairman of Gema Holdings, who acquired 20,000 acres in Molo where he is growing tea, coffee, pyrethrum and potatoes and 16,000 acres in Naivasha.

GG Kariuki acquired his 5,000 acres at Rumuruti, Laikipia Division, while former Attoney-General Charles Njonjo bought into the 100,000 acre Solio Ranch. Don’t forget, grabbing of settler land in Central by many colonial collaborators, at the expense of the Mau Mau fighters, was part of the scheme. Senior Chief Munyinge from Muiga took 400 acres. Initially, senior chief Munyinge was allocated only 70 acres but with time he managed to acquire 330 more acres.

Mwai Kibaki acquired 20,000 acres in Nanyuki, Former MP Munene Kairu has 32,000 acres at Rumuruti. Mr Isaiah Mathenge, the former powerful Provincial Commissioner under Kenyatta and an MP under Moi, is arguably the largest land owner in Nyeri municipality.

He owns Seremwai Estate, which is 10,000 acres. Kibaki’s friend, Kim Ngatende, a former government engineer, has 500 acres too. Mathenge also owns—jointly with former Provincial Commissioner Lukas Daudi Galgalo—the 10, 000-acre Manyagalo Ranch in Meru.

Back in Rift Valley, as Jaramogi and the rest of Kenyans were saying, Not Yet Uhuru, it was land grabbing business as usual. Land-buying companies were heisting big. There result was big acquisitions, for instance, Munyeki Farm—which stands for Murang’a, Nyeri, Kiambu – (4,000 acres), Wamuini Farm (6,000 acres), Amuka Farm (2,000 acres), Gituaraba Farm and Githatha Farm (1,000 acres each) and GEMA Holdings 12,000 acres. A few of them are being utilized, today with the owners growing various crops ranging from coffee, tea, maize and dairy keeping.

The other big farms include Chepchomo Farm (18, 000 acres), owned by the former Provincial Commissioner Ishmael Chelang’a. The family of the late Peter Kinyanjui, who was a close friend of President Mwai Kibaki and a former DP Chairman in Trans Nzoia between 1998 and 1999 owns 1,800 acres.

In Nakuru, several politically connected individuals have acquired many acres of prime land within the town—they include lawyer Mutula Kilonzo, who owns an 800-acre farm for dairy farming. The immediate former Auditor General, D S Njoroge, owns 500 acres, while Biwott’s Canadian son-in-law & co-owner of Safaricom (Mobitelea) a Mr. Charles, boasts a 100-acre piece where he is growing roses.

D. S. Njoroge also owns the extensive Kelelwa Ranch in Koibatek, which is less than 10km from Kabarak, where he rears cattle and goats. The 10,000 acre Gitomwa Farm—acronym for Gichuru, Tony and Mwaura—is owned by the family of the former Kenya Power and Lighting Company Limited (KPLC) managing director, Samuel Gichuru. Tony and Mwaura are his sons.

Another 10,000 acre farm in Mau Narok belongs to the family of the late Mbiyu Koinange, Kenyatta’s side-kick and powerful minister of state in the Office of the President. His Muthera Farm (4,000ha) is leased to different people to grow wheat, while a group of squatters is demanding a piece of it. The owners are yet to clear the Sh7 million Settlement Transfer Fund loan.

Ford-People leader Simeon Nyachae’s Kabansora Holdings owns 4,000ha in the area. Former Rongai MP Willy Komen’s family owns 10,000 acres — 5,000ha adjacent to Moi’s Kabarak Farm and another 4,800ha near Ngata in Njoro.

Coast Province was not spared. Kenyatta family owns almost 15% the prime resort land in the province, besides a huge sisal plantation spanning both Taita and Taveta districts, safely watched by his son-in-law and former MP Marsden Madoka, and another close friend to Uhuru Kenyatta, and current Minister in Kibaki’s illegitimate government, Naomi Shaban.

Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki land holdings

Kenya’s two former First Families and the family of President Mwai Kibaki are among the biggest landowners in the country. The extended Kenyatta family alone owns an estimated 500,000 acres — approximately the size of Nyanza Province — according to estimates by independent surveyors and Ministry of Lands officials. (This report first appeared in the Standard Newspaper report by Mr. Otsieno Namwaya)

The Kibaki and Moi families also own large tracts, most held in the names of sons and daughters and other close family members, all concentrated within the 17.2 % of Kenya that is arable or valued. Remember that 80 per cent of all land in Kenya is mostly arid and semi arid land.

According to the Kenya Land Alliance, more than a 65% of all arable land in Kenya is in the hands of only 20 per cent of the 35 million Kenyans. That has left millions absolutely landless while another 67 per cent on average own less than an acre per person.

The building land crises in the country, experts say, will be difficult to solve because the most powerful people in the country are also among its biggest landowners.

The tracts of land under the Kenyatta family are so widely distributed within the numerous members in various parts of the country that it is an almost impossible task to locate all of them and establish their exact sizes.

During Kenyatta’s 15-year tenure in State House, he used the elaborate STFS scheme funded by the World Bank and the British Government, to acquired large pieces of land all over the country. Other tracts, he easily allocated to his family.

Among the best-known parcels owned by Kenyatta’s family, for instance, are the 24, 000 acres in Taveta sub-district adjacent to the 74, 000 acres owned by former MP Basil Criticos.

Others are 50, 000 acres in Taita that is currently under Mrs Beth Mugo, an Assistant minister of Education and niece of Kenyatta, 29, 000 acres in Kahawa Sukari along the Nairobi—Thika highway, the 10, 000 acre Gichea Farm in Gatundu, 5, 000 acres in Thika, 9,000 acres in Kasarani and the 5, 000-acre Muthaita Farm.

These are beside others such as Brookside Farm, Green Lee Estate, Njagu Farm in Juja, a quarry in Dandora in Nairobi and a 10, 000-acre ranch in Naivasha. There is another 200 acres in Mombasa, and 250 acres in Malindi.

Other pieces of land owned by the Kenyatta family include the 52,000-acre farm in Nakuru and a 20,000-acre one, also known as Gichea Farm, in Bahati under Kenyatta’s daughter, Margaret. Besides, Mama Ngina Kenyatta, widow of the former President, owns another 10, 000 acres in Rumuruti while a close relative of the Kenyatta family, a Mrs Kamau, has 40,000 acres in Endebes in the Rift Valley Province.

Uhuru owns 5,000 acres in Eldoret, 3,000 acres in Rongai and 12,000 acres in Naivasha, 100 acres in Karen, and 200 acres in Dagoretti. A 1,000-acre farm in Dagoretti is owned by Kenyatta’s first wife Wahu.

It is also understood that part of the land on which Kenyatta and Jomo Kenyatta Universities are constructed initially belonged the Criticos family. The government bought the land from him in 1972 under the Settlement Transfer Fund Scheme and transferred to the Kenyatta family the same day Criticos sold it to the government. Land for the two universities was subsequently sold partly and a portion donated by the family.

One of President Kibaki’s earliest grabs is the 1,200-acre Gingalily Farm along the Nakuru-Solai road. And in the 1970s, Kibaki, who was then the minister for Finance under Kenyatta, via STFS transferred to himself, 10, 000 acres in Bahati from the then Agriculture minister Bruce Mckenzie.

Kibaki also owns another 10, 000 acres at Igwamiti in Laikipia and 10, 000 acres in Rumuruti in Naivasha. These are in addition to the 1,600 acre Ruare Ranch.

Just next to Kibaki’s Bahati land are Moi’s 20, 000 acres although his best known piece of land is the 1,600 Kabarak Farm on which he has retired. It is one of the most well utilised farms in the area, with wheat, maize and dairy cattle.

The former President owns another 20, 000 acres in Olenguruoni in Rift Valley, on which he is growing tea and has also built the Kiptakich Tea Factory (recently torched). He also has some 20, 000 acres in Molo. He also has another 3, 000-acre farm in Bahati on both sides of the Nakuru/Nyahururu road where he grows coffee and some 400 acres in Nakuru on which he was initially growing coffee.

The former President also owns the controversy ridden 50, 000 acre Ol Pajeta Farm—part of which has Ol Pajeta ranch in Rumuruti, Laikipia. Some time in 2004 Moi put out an advert in the press warning the public that some unknown people were sub-dividing and selling it.

Can solutions can be offered to address these land problems?

This is clearly a socio-political problem that requires a political solution. It involves digging up the archives, consulting experts, policy makers, local politicians and community elders to find a comprehensive solution.

Source: Jukwaa


October 10, 2005

Terik language meeting at Kapsengere 13th May 2000.

Min 1/5/00 Attendance
1. Mr. Mark Ragor ( Master of ceremonies)
2.Rev. Henry Kipruto
3.Asst.Chief Moses Kipng'etich
4.Ms. Miriam Sagasi
5. Mrs. Elizabeth Ndeto
6. Mrs. Teresa Tunge
7.Mrs. Ruth Ragor
8.Mr. Jason Kipkirui
9. Mr. Henry Kibitok
10. Mr.Benjamin Kipng'etich
11. Mr.Peter Sawe Biama
12.Rev.Simon Kattam
13.Mr. Stephen Songok
14.Mr.James Kiprop
15.Mr.William Koech
16.Cllr.John Mbaria
17.Mr.Jamin Chepkitui
18. Mr.Julius Kipruto
19.Mr.Charles Kipserem
20. Mr.Joseph Chemai
21.Mr.Hosea Kipserem
22. Mr.Joseph Chemai
23.Mr.Patrick Mang'esoy (TRANS. CONS.BTL).
24.Mr.Leslie Brinkerhorf (LPC BTL)
25.Rev. Micah Amukobole(General Secretary BTL)
26. Mr.Kipnyango Seroney ( facilitator)
27. Mr. Geoffrey Ragor (Secretary)

**Min2/5/00 Word from facilitator**
The facilitator welcomed all the members and the visitors to the meeting. he then called upon the master of ceremonies to conduct the meeting.

Min 3/5/00 Introduction
The master of the ceremonies welcomed the visitors and requested Rev. Henry Kipruto to open the meeting with a word of prayer as at 11:38 a.m.
The M.O.C stressed on the importance and purpose of th emeeting. That there are many different sub-groups of the Kalenjin is not debatable. But the Terik speakers have been referred to as the Nandi, Tiriki, other Kalenjin, etc.This confusion and anomally has been prompted by the fact that the Terik speakers, properly called Terikeek, do not have a literature in their own language. Again the Nandi ethnic dominace in the district have submerged them. He therefore urges the members to clear the air about this distinctiveness of the Terikeek people group.
The M.O.C goes ahead to introduce the members of the committee. During the course of introduction, one of the members inquired from Mr. Brinkerhorf whether he is the one (or has any relation to ) some white man who visited her family back in the 1970 and expressed his interest in writing the Bible in Terik language. Mr.Brinkerhorf, as it were, answered in the negative.
The BTL staff consisting of the threee members, Rev. Amukobole, the General Secretary, Mr. Brinkerhaorf, language Programmes coordinator, Mr. Mang'esoy a translation consultant, also introduced themselves.

Min4/5/00 Administration.
The acting assistant Chief welcomes the visitors to his administrative area of jurisdiction. He alleys his fears of how the Terik speaking community is dimminishing and looks forward to this meeting as being a resuscitator.

Min5/5/00
The councillor attempts to espouse on the differences between the Terikeek and Tiriki people groups since many outsiders have tended to refer to the two as one and the same. That the Terikeek are Kalenjins while the Tiriki are a Luhya sub-group of migrants who wanted to identify themselvs with the Terik speakers after adopting some of their customs especally the circumcision practice. However since they were bantu and could not clearly pronounce the name Terik without adding a vowel after the consonant 'k', they started calling themselves Tiriki. Consequently, whenever the Tiriki settled in the Terikeek land, they mispronounced and mispelled the terikeek names. Thus, Kibsambaay became Gisambayi,Cheebkaay became Jepkoyai, Kiboochi became, Givogi, Taambooyoo became Tambua and keribwa, became Iriva to mention a few.
He goes a head to submit that on other occassions, the Terikeek have been misnomerly referred to as Ny'ang'ori. This was anickname given to them by the Luos.This was because in the years gone by, the Terikeek used to graze their animals in what has become today the Luoland and when coming back home, out of hunger, they would pick cowpeas(Ng'or in Dholuo) from the grazing farms.Hence when the colonial administrators came, the Luo tol dthem that the Terikeek were actually called Ny'ang'oori. All these sum up to one thing. That the Terikeek as a people group speak Terik language which has been going through a linguistic and demographic decay.The councillor goes further to give the difference between the terik language and their Nandi neighbours. This difference to him is two fold: 1.Speech(lexical).Terik has a nasal while nandi has lateral. examples:

English Terik Nandi
Child Neekweet Laakweet
Hi! ? Inion ?I lion
2. Cultural semantics: In Nandi , a childless woman can 'marry' another woman to bear children for her.Such a thing is a taboo among the Terikeek.
He goes ahead to posit that many Terikeek have migrated to Nandiland where they have become leaders or administrators. And since in Nandi you cannot be enthroned as a leader unless you are one of their own, these Terikeek have camouflaged themselves and become Nandidized, both in speech and traitions. This state of affairs is also another factor which has accelerated the demise of the identity of the Terikeek as a society and linguitic losss.He adds that the Kalenjin sub-groups with close linguistic affinities to the Terikeek are the Sabaots and the Keyyo. There also exist a Terik speaking clan living among the Tugen of Baringo and Koibatek. In a nutshell, he submits that the Terikeek need the Bible in their language so that sermons will be in Terik. There was increased Nandi literature in Terik land. This shall also provoke the leraned Terikeek to write literature books in Terik language.
One very elerly man of the maina age-set( the oldest age set in Terikland as of now) insist that it high time the Terik language and people are recognized and not grouped together with the Nandi.This is because the Terikeek and Nandi have for a long time fought battles over cattle raids.He goes a head to give a brief description of Terikeek migrational trends.That the Terikeek originated from Mt.Elgon.They had a brief sojourn in Maseno before moving to their present day Terik. During the course of their miration and eventual settlement, the Terikeek never mixed or mutually interacted with the Nandis with whom they are now being forcd to mingle( via administration) and speak their language via school books. He also emphasis the fact that one major difference between the Terikeek and Nandi is in the age groups.While the Terikeek have 8 age groups exluding four extinct age-sets that originally totalled up to 12. These extinct sets were Bantaneen,Kaamuny'ar,Tamamut and Antaara, which the Nandi do not have.The Nandis have 7 age groups. The age-sets that are believed to hace graced the Mt.Elgon ancestors were as: Nkoroonkoro,Antaara,Kibkoymet,Kaabneenach,Kibny'ikeey,Ny'aanki ,Mayna,Chuumo and Saawe.
Another oldman of th emayna age group, expounds on the difference between the Terikeek and Tiriki.That the Tirikis original name was 'vaakwe' which they abandoned after adopting the Terikeek rite of circumcision.With time they overwhelmed Terikeek in number and started to change the Terikeek names like Muuchooche to Munzatsi.He submits that the headquartes of all Terikeek is Kapsengere.This is where all Terikeek refers to as their home.
One other oldman of the Mayna age-set group, revisited the migration of the Terikeek. That at Mt.Elgon, the old men and women who could not walk any further were placed in a cave and provided with food and other materials. They then blessed the young men and women and implored God to give them safe journey.According to this oldman, the Terikeek followed th eroute which had been used by the Kipsikiis up to Maseeno.It was at Maseeno that they changed their southward movement and came to earsterly to settle at their present day Terikeek country.The old man insisted that Terikeek as a community with their language have been dimishing since the time of colonial administration.That the white man gave each dialect its own leader.The Idakho were ruled by an Idakho, the wanga ruled by a wanga and the Nandi by a Nandi. But so with Terikeek who under a mysterious circumstances fall under a Maragoli leader. This happened when Soonoono son of Cheemakeet was chief of the Terikeek and his wife passed away.The Terikeek culture had it thata man who losses his wife in death must be confined inside the house for 30days until some rituals are performed.During thi time of confinement of Chief Soonoono Araab Cheemakeet, one Maragoli named Chweeya, a court interepreter at Kisumu got wind of it. Capitalising on the status quo, he went and reported to the white administrators that the chief had refused to to perform his administrative functions. Accompanied with Chweeya and and some Askaris, the DC( white man) cam eto Soonoono's home. On calling upon him to get out of his house to perform his duties, Soonoono answered from inside that he could not come out. Consequently Chweeya was declared the chief forthith.
immediately he assumed leadership,Chweeya begun purging exercise where he strived to drive away the Terikeek from their homelands a result many Terikeek ran away to Nandi and Kipsikiis areas where they were absorbed. According to him, Terikeek migrated from Mt.Elgon because at one time, Elephants trampled on their food crops hence took off to avoid being hit by hunger.

MIN 6/5/00 Mission
The beggining: The first missionaries cam eto terik speaking land in about 1908 and settled in the modern place called Ny'ang'ori. The Terikeek pople gave them free land to start up a mission centre. later the missionaries brought in Luhya groups to work there as their servants. It was this mixing that brought in alot of problems as the missionaries later gave their priority to them and ignored the Terikeek hosting them.The Missionaries were agains the Terikeek cultural practices and they condemned them in their teaching and preaching as very satanic and chased them from the mission centre. The missionaries also used Logoli the language of ther servants as a medium of instruction at the mission school.Rev. Henry puts it that for the Terikeek to survive they need the word of God as found in Math 28:19.He expresses his fears that the Terik language has been vanquished even in the church. That congregations in the church do not get the word in their own language but in Kiswahili. Even sermon books are written in Kiswahili.The version of the Bible they use is either the Kiswahili one or the Nandi-Kipsikiis Bible. He denotes that reading may not be such a big fuss, but the problem is comprehending what has been read.Consequently, people usually leave the church after having hardly undertood the word of God. He beseeched BTL staff to assist the Terikeek have the Bible in their own language in order to have the people understand the word of God and for the gowth of their churches.

Min 7/5/00 Language Use

Mr.Peter Sawe, Information technology specialist, succinctly puts own examples of words and names of the same things but differ in lexical use and pronunciation between Terik and their close kith and kin Viz:
English Terik Nandi Kipsikiis Sabaot
I thought Kaaneen kaleen Kaabore
Good Karaaran Mye karaam
oldman Booyyontet Boiyo Boonteet
Brush teeth Siny' kee Siny' kelek
he started Kachaakan katoy keenaam
Run Wiis labat
Stand Choony' Tonon Telel
Slap Syeech rabaach
Market Siiro Siret ndony'o
Porridge Muusereek Muser Rong'oriik
child Neekweet Lakwet
Mushroom Boobchaat bobat
cane Chwen Maas
He puts that some words in Nandi or Kipsikiis can mean a different thing in Terik. For instance the first word in Kipsikiis 'Kaabore' to mean I thought ,actually means I was killing in Terik language. When making speeches or reading the bible in the presence of the Nandi or Kipsikiis, the Terik speaker often than not find themsleves being laughed at, apractice they really abhor and detest to the hilt.It is for these reasons that the terikeek should have their Bible in their own language.

Min 8/5/00 Mother Tongue
One member sends the apologies of Mrs.Ruth Ragor who was meant to present this part but received an urgent call. She however puts it that she will do it on her behalf since she has been a primary school teacher teaching mother tongue in the lower classes for over 25 years. She submits that there is no existing Terik language mother tongue book for teaching mother tongue in schools. The only book which used to exist entitled 'ONETGE OSOMAN' was written in Nandi language. Consequently teachers end up teaching children Nandi instead of Terik language.Fortunatley or unfortunately, these Nandi books are nolonger in existence today.Just before they disappeared, teachers wrote them down the wordings in counter books. So as of now, Nandi language is still the lingua franca in lower classes instead of Terik language books. She revisits events and situations of long time ago which were made by educators and missionaries to frustrate the Terik mother at the time when she was in primary school durin the colonial period, one white lady named miss Ruth(pronounced Roth) had made successful attempts to learn Terik language. Subsequently, she started teaching the terikeek in their own mother tongue hence leading to an overwhelming influx of Terikeek children in school. When the Luhya administrators under Chweeya realised this, he had the missionaries to transfer miss Ruth to a Luhya area hence the Terik mother tongue diminished, and children ran away from schools. Rev. Henry Kipruto who was also a teacher then, was also transferred elswhere to curtail his attempts of uplifting the Terik language. She sums up by requesting the BTL staff to come to the avail of the Terikeek and assist in the writing of the Terik literature.

MIN9/5/00 Education Department
A head teacher of one of the local primary schools submits that head teachers encourge and agitate for the use of mother tongue in the first three years of primary school.However the problem being experience is that the mother tongue being taught is in Nandi and not Terik. Other schools wthout the books, translate the Kiswahili books into their languages.This is therefore cheating and not teaching. Children are being milsed. He appeals humbly to BTL staff to assist writing of the following:
1.Mother Tongue textbooks.
2.A dictionary of Terik language
3.A Bible in Terik language
These three will go along way into promoting the Terikeek identity as a distinct group of people.He says that the headteachers will be willing and ready to instruct the teachers to use the Terik books if they are written.

MIN10/5/00 RESPONSE FROM BTL STAFF
The general Secretary begins by asserting that they have been hearing of Terik and the Tiriki without knowing the differences, but today the air has been cleared.He tells the members that they have said many things to say on ething: 'That you want Terik to be written'.He tells them their message has been heard.He goes further to explain the role of the Bible Translation and Literacy(BTL)where he has worked since 1983.He said that translation begun in earnest in 1981 with sublime aim of fulfilling the needs of the small groups of people who appeared to have sidelined by th ebig big groups which had the Bible in their languages.He recounted the case of the Sabaot community elders who visited him in th early 80s and requsted to have the Christmas and Easther stories in Sabaot language because their community was diminishing as a result of intermarraige with Bukusu women.Out of the work of the BTL in onjunction with those elders and the sabaot people, a sabaot New Testamnet Bible and a dictionary were written. This came to fruition between 1981 and 1994.He went further to name the communities in which BTL is working with today as being :1. Sabaot. 2. Endo.3. Dasanach. 4. Rendille. 5. Orma.6. Borana 7. Pokomo.8. Boni.9. Giryama.10. Duruma.11. Digo.12. Tharaka.13. Suba.
He said work was ceased in Malakote because of shifta invasion. He also said that work is done among a people only when the very people ask for it. after this requisition there are stages or steps which must be followed by the BTL before commencing work of translation.The steps are as follows:
1. SURVEY OF THE AREA AND THE PEOPLE.During this stage, a test is done to to see whether the people in question understands other languages with written works.This test is conducted in Markets, Schools, and homes whenever these people have settled.
2.SPECIAL COMMITTEE STAGE.The results of the survey are given a special committee which asses by giving marks in the level of underatsnding the realted languages in question. It is thi scommittee which will come up with a ecision or recommendation.
The GS asserted that some study has been done on the Terik and consequently a meeting which met in March decided to conduct a wider study of the same to come up with a better and objective analysis.He said that after the special committee has approved work to commence, this will be done subject to the availability of resources i.e people and money.The community wil be required to finance the project.The BTL on the other hand will give technical assistance.
He encouraged the members to work hand in glove with Seroney and to convene a similar meetings againand again to update many Terikeek people of th eevents and give an appraisal of the project. All Terikeek migrants should be impressed on the issues at hand.He revisited the conference which they had jut attended in Kisumu in which th eteaching of African languages was discussed. In the conference it was agreed that the language of the Catchment Area should be used(for the first three years)to teach all th esubjects i.e Math's, Geography,History,Music etc. and not Mother tongue only.This will create deeper understanding than teaching the said subjects in English.Mother tongue should therefore not only be taught but be used in instruction from class 1 to 3.
He told teachers not to complain ofthe defiency of books in their Mother Tongue since they were competent enough to translate the books from Kiswahili or English to their tongues.He told headteachers to have teachers of different langauges to teach in the upper classes.He recount the plight of the Suba children who went to school only to be taught Dholuo by Luo teachers.Consequently they abandoned schools but surprisibgly their parents opted to teach them (children)Dholuo an dthen sent them back to School to be taught again by the very Luo teachers.But today this status quo has changed because since the Suba have their books in their own language. Finally the GS impressed on the members what they should do at this juncture.
1. That they should begin by writing the history of the Terikeek people.
2. That they should start compossing and singing songs in Terik language
3. They need no permission to form a language committee
4. They should coordinate with the BTL in translating the Bible.
5.That it is the Terikeek themselves who will write the Bible and books in Terik language.
6. They should continue making preparations for the project.
7. That the BTL will only come to assist them after they have found out how to write their language.The catholic priest howver stood hos grounds and went a head to make translations of sermon and hymn books.BTL encouraged him in these endeavours.In the same token he warns members and churches against quarrelling after this meeting. He tells them that their success will depend on their cooperation and availability.Then, and only then will translation of the Bible be a success story and light and truth will be their guides.
The BTL language programmer on his part revisited the Mt.Elgon migration theory and posited that the Terikeek are survivors. They have once survived, they are surviving and they should continue to survive.He promised to offer assistance to the Terikeek where necessary.He praises Seroney for the meeting and informs the members that more people will be coming to get more information on the Terikeek and their Terik language. He finally praises the Terik speakers as a proud people and the fact that they still exist and survive.

MIN 11/5/00 AOB
A member said that the main reason why the Terikeek and Nandi do not agree and why the Terikeek became close to the Tiriki was because a fight or battle between the first two groups in which the Tiriki cam eto assist the Terikeek. The battle was caused by castle rustling between Terikeek and Nandi. During the battle, the Nandi sought refuge on top of trees since they knew that according to the Kalenjin traditions, an enemy who climbs a tree is not killed, hence knew Terikeek were party to it.However, the Tiriki who were Luhyas did not have this tradition.They therefore felled the trees and massacred hundreds of Nandis at a place called Kiboochi(misnomered Givogi).This incient created a long lasting grudge between the Nandi and Terik speakers so much that there is despise of each others language to date. Yet despite this, th eTerikeek children today are being compelled to learn Nandi language in Schools and Churches for lack of the Terik written works.
Another member explained tha fact that some Terikeek have Luo names because in the daus gone by, as a result of wrestling competitions, whenever a Terikiintet would beat a powerful Luo or Luhya in a match, he would 'snatch' away his name from him. It is therefore not surprising to find Terikeek named Ondiek, Mando, Otieno for instance. But this names are presently with a few remaining older generation who will soon be finished.
Another member who is a church minister, explains that his parents migrated to Nandi long ago but he still recognize himaself as a Terikiintet despite growing up in Nandiland. He pleads for a Bible written in Terik language to neccessiate smooth preaching of the word of God in Terik.

MIN12/5/00 VOTE OF THANKS
The councillor thansk the BTL staff for their visit and urges them not to tire coming to Terik speaking alnd.He informs them that the time they come here again,they will meet a bigger congregation than today's. He urged them to take a positive image they have seen of the Terikeek appreciation if the BTL gives assistance in doing thi sproject. The Terikeeek will owe everthing to them. He wishes them God's grace and guidance in their journey back to Nairobi and back to Terik next time.

The meeting was closed at 2:58 p.m with a word of prayer from the Anglican church Lay Reader Benjamin Kipruto.


June 2021

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